Stalin was devastated not only by the German attack, but by
the inability of his armies to halt it. Hamstrung by shortages of the most
basic equipment; many divisions lacked sufficient rifles for their men, let
alone ammunition, and of the Soviet Union's 23,000 tanks, over 70 per cent were
in need of maintenance or repairs, which were almost impossible to carry out
due to shortages of spare parts.16 The huge formations of the Red Army were
beyond the means of their officers to control, and their communications
equipment was often rudimentary, even when it was available. By the first
winter of the war, almost all of the original peacetime army that had been
deployed in the west was gone, many of its divisions squandered in pointless
head-on attacks against the Germans, who smashed them with their superior
firepower. By the end of the winter, the eastern divisions, brought west in time
to save Moscow, had themselves been bled white. But the enemy had been halted,
and Moscow saved. By the following winter, the hated fascists were encircled in
Stalingrad, and the Red Army's confidence was growing again.
That growth was based on many factors. Soviet armaments
production, badly dislocated in the first year of the war, was now in full
swing, producing tanks in such numbers that Hitler simply refused to believe
the figures when his intelligence officers presented them. Supplies of other kinds
were flowing, too, particularly of trucks, food and fuel, via convoys from the
United States and Britain. The recruits who had filled the ranks in 1941, if
they were still alive, were now veterans, with enough experience to survive
combat. The role of the political commissars had been reduced, allowing
officers a freer hand in military affairs, and those officers themselves were
far more skilful and resourceful than the men who struggled to reconcile
Party-dictated doctrine with the realities of armoured warfare in 1941. The
infantry formations were reduced in size, making them more manageable.
Conversely, the armoured formations, often having as few as 20-40 tanks in
1941, were enlarged, allowing them to take on German Panzer divisions with a greater
likelihood of success. Starting in 1942, combined-arms formations began to
appear, and by 1943 the tank armies that had first been deployed the previous
summer were reorganized on more standardized fines, with two tank corps, each
with 168 tanks, a single mechanized corps, and other formations such as
artillery and engineers.
Training had been improved, with a new emphasis on military
matters rather than ideology. Evacuated to Soviet Central Asia, Kobylyanskiy
joined an artillery training establishment, where the truncated training
programme - reduced from two years for an artillery lieutenant to one year -
was intensive and exhausting. After only two months, Kobylyanskiy and other
selected cadets were told that they were being sent to a division immediately;
the developing crisis at Stalingrad made previous training plans irrelevant.
For those like Kobylyanskiy, who had a natural aptitude for mathematics and
therefore made an ideal artilleryman, this was perfectly acceptable, as like
most young men he had a strong desire to do his patriotic duty. Kobylyanskiy
later estimated that only 2 per cent of those who went to the front with him
returned alive after the war.
The first victories of 1942 and 1943 were analyzed, hard
lessons learned, and remedial steps taken, culminating in the shattering blow
that was dealt to the German Army Group Centre through Bagration in the summer
of 1944. As the war progressed, the Red Army dealt much better with failure
than the Wehrmacht; Stalin allowed officers to learn from their mistakes,
rather than replacing them reflexively, as Hitler increasingly did. The Red
Army quickly understood the lessons that lay behind each setback, modifying
tactics accordingly, while Hitler refused to listen to good advice and fell
back increasingly on a dogmatic insistence on rigid defence.
Pavel Ivanovich Batov, who was to command the Soviet 65th
Army through much of the war, was assigned to this post as the battle for
Stalingrad reached its peak. The evolution of 65th Army shows many of the reasons
for the improvements in the Red Army as a whole. Originally raised as 28th
Reserve Army in early 1942, it was prematurely committed to the disastrous
attempt by Semyon Timoshenko to recapture Kharkov that spring. The German
counter-attack that destroyed much of Timoshenko's forces threw 28th Army back
to the Don, where its staff was ordered to hand over their units to
neighbouring armies and to start the formation of 4th Tank Army in the Volga
valley. When Batov arrived to take command of this army, he was astonished to
discover its current tank strength amounted to only four tanks; when he raised
this with his superiors, the army was renamed 65th Army.
Unlike the opening months of the war, nearly all of the
senior staff officers of Batov's new army were veterans with experience of
staff posts and hard combat behind them. The only exception was the commander
of the communications section, Captain Borissov, but his skill in maintaining
communications between army headquarters and its constituent divisions earned
him high praise, and the constant fighting on the flanks of the great German
bulge around Stalingrad ensured that even he too soon became a veteran. When
the army was thrown into the great counter-attack that encircled the German 6th
Army in Stalingrad, the staff officers were experts at cooperation and
coordination.
By the second half of 1944, the ubiquitous T-34s were
equipped with more powerful 85mm guns, and their ranks were supported not only
by western-built Sherman tanks, but by a new breed of tanks, the JS-2 and JS-3
'Josef Stalin' tanks. (Note that the Soviets regarded the Shermans as inferior
to their own vehicles; due to the ease with which they could be set ablaze,
they were nicknamed 'Tommy-cookers' by the Germans when they first encountered
them in the west.) The JS tanks, with their immense 122mm guns, were regarded
with fear by the Germans, but at least some of this fear was dispelled when
they were actually encountered in battle. The 4th Panzer Division first fought
them in August 1944, swiftly knocking out eight, breaking the spell cast by
these 'enormous hulks, with outrageously large turrets and tree-trunk-like
guns'.18 The Germans were surprised to find that these heavy tanks had a very
limited quantity of ammunition aboard, making prolonged combat impossible. In
some respects, the Soviet tanks were technically inferior to their German and
western counterparts -poorer gunsights and radios in particular - but their
excellent armour, and simple but robust engines, provided considerable
compensation. And they were present in numbers far beyond the resources of
Germany.
By late 1944, some Soviet tank armies had dispensed with
their mechanized corps. Nevertheless, they remained formidable forces, with
more than 600 tanks and nearly 200 assault guns. The rest of the Red Army was
organized into combined-arms armies, each with up to 100,000 men, 460 tanks and
200 assault guns. All Soviet armies, corps and divisions had integral artillery
formations, but there were also dedicated artillery formations, organized into
corps and divisions; these went a long way to offset the shortage of manpower
that the Red Army faced in its infantry towards the end of the war.
No comments:
Post a Comment